Supreme Court Case

Morrison v. Olson (1988)

487 U.S. 654 (1988)

Theodore Olson, head-and-shoulders portrait, seated in front of U.S. flag.
Government lawyer Theodore Olsen
U.S. Department of Justice

“[W]e simply do not see how the President’s need to control the exercise of [the independent counsel’s] discretion is so central to the functioning of the Executive Branch as to require as a matter of constitutional law that the counsel be terminable at will by the President.”

“‘The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States.’ . . . [T]his does not mean some of the executive power, but all of the executive power.”

Selected by

Caroline Fredrickson

Visiting Professor, Georgetown University Law Center and Senior Fellow at the Brennan Center for Justice

Ilan Wurman

Associate Professor, Sandra Day O'Connor College of Law at Arizona State University

Summary

This case considered the independent counsel statute, adopted by Congress in the wake of Watergate. The statute created an “independent counsel” appointed by a special court, and who could be removed only for good cause, to investigate alleged ethical violations by high-level executive branch officials. Government lawyer Theodore Olson, who was under investigation by the independent counsel, contended that the statute creating the independent counsel violated separation of powers. The Court, however, held that the law and its protection of the independent counsel from removal did not violate the separation of powers. This opinion set an important precedent that Congress may impose some limitations on the President’s power to remove executive branch officials.

Read the Full Opinion

Excerpt: Majority Opinion, Chief Justice William Rehnquist

Considering for the moment the “good cause” removal provision in isolation from the other parts of the Act at issue in this case, we cannot say that the imposition of a “good cause” standard for removal by itself unduly trammels on executive authority. There is no real dispute that the functions performed by the independent counsel are “executive” in the sense that they are law enforcement functions that typically have been undertaken by officials within the Executive Branch. As we noted above, however, the independent counsel is an inferior officer under the Appointments Clause, with limited jurisdiction and tenure and lacking policymaking or significant administrative authority. Although the counsel exercises no small amount of discretion and judgment in deciding how to carry out his or her duties under the Act, we simply do not see how the President’s need to control the exercise of that discretion is so central to the functioning of the Executive Branch as to require as a matter of constitutional law that the counsel be terminable at will by the President.

Nor do we think that the “good cause” removal provision at issue here impermissibly burdens the President’s power to control or supervise the independent counsel, as an executive official, in the execution of his or her duties under the Act. This is not a case in which the power to remove an executive official has been completely stripped from the President, thus providing no means for the President to ensure the “faithful execution” of the laws. Rather, because the independent counsel may be terminated for “good cause,” the Executive, through the Attorney General, retains ample authority to assure that the counsel is competently performing his or her statutory responsibilities in a manner that comports with the provisions of the Act.
 

Excerpt: Dissent, Justice Antonin Scalia

To repeat, Article II, § 1, cl. 1, of the Constitution provides: “The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States.”

As I described at the outset of this opinion, this does not mean some of the executive power, but all of the executive power. It seems to me, therefore, that the decision of the Court of Appeals invalidating the present statute must be upheld on fundamental separation-of-powers principles if the following two questions are answered affirmatively: (1) Is the conduct of a criminal prosecution (and of an investigation to decide whether to prosecute) the exercise of purely executive power? (2) Does the statute deprive the President of the United States of exclusive control over the exercise of that power? Surprising to say, the Court appears to concede an affirmative answer to both questions, but seeks to avoid the inevitable conclusion that since the statute vests some purely executive power in a person who is not the President of the United States it is void.


 
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