The basis of suffrage in the United States shall be that of citizenship, and all native or naturalized citizens shall enjoy the same rights and privileges of the elective franchise; Pomeroy's proposal embraced a broad vision of universal suffrage—advancing equal voting rights for both women and African-American men. Rather than basing voting rights on race or gender, Pomeroy rooted them in citizenship. but each State shall determine by law the age of the citizen and the time of residence required for the exercise of the right of suffrage, which shall apply equally to all citizens, and also shall make all laws concerning the time, places, and manner of holding elections. Pomeroy preserved an important role for the states to regulate voting rights—permitting them to determine the age and residency requirements of their voters and allowing them to regulate the “time, place, and manner of holding elections.”

The right of suffrage in the United States shall be based upon citizenship, Julian's proposal severed the link between voting and specific traits like race or gender. Instead, it made voting a right of citizenship. and shall be regulated by Congress; While the original Constitution left the issue of voting primarily to the states, Julian's proposal empowered Congress to regulate voting rights. and all citizens of the United States, whether native or naturalized, shall enjoy this right equally, without any distinction or discrimination whatever founded on race, color, or sex. While the 15th Amendment would ultimately focus on racial discrimination in voting, Julian's proposal advanced a broad vision of suffrage—protecting the “right of suffrage” of all U.S. citizens regardless of “race, color, or sex.”

The right of citizens of the United States to vote and hold office shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any State for any reasons not equally applicable to all citizens of the United States. Pomeroy's proposal spoke broadly about voting rights and extended protections for officeholding. Although Congress debated the right to hold office, it didn't make it into the 15th Amendment—or the 19th. This proposal didn’t limit protections to “race” or “sex.” It protected the voting rights of “all citizens.” This language provided the national government with clear authority to attack white Southern efforts to suppress voting like poll taxes.

The right of suffrage in the United States shall be based upon citizenship, This opening language is identical to Julian's previous proposal from 1868. It severed the link between voting and specific traits like race or gender. Instead, it made voting a right of citizenship. and shall be regulated by Congress; This language is identical to Julian's previous proposal from 1868. While the original Constitution left the issue of voting primarily to the states, Julian's proposal empowered Congress to regulate voting rights. and all citizens of the United States, whether native or naturalized, shall enjoy this right equally, without any distinction or discrimination whatever founded on sex. Julian’s new proposal protected the “right to suffrage” of all U.S. citizens regardless of “sex.” He removed “race” and “color” from his previous draft. But it still left open the possibility of regulating the vote based on traits such as literacy.

The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex. This opening language parallels the 15th Amendment—beginning with a powerful reference to a U.S. citizen's “right . . . to vote.” Sargent abandoned the language of universal suffrage. He borrowed from the 15th Amendment—but changed “race, color, or previous condition of servitude” to “sex.” This left open the possibility of regulating the vote based on traits such as literacy. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. The original Constitution left the issue of voting primarily to the states. Like the 15th Amendment, Sargent's proposal provided Congress with a new role in enforcing voting rights—this time, to prevent gender discrimination at the ballot box.

The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex. This opening language parallels the 15th Amendment—beginning with a powerful reference to a U.S. citizen's “right . . . to vote.” This draft focused on sex discrimination in voting. Borrowing from the 15th Amendment, it changed “race, color, or previous condition of servitude” to “sex.” This text left open the possibility of regulating the vote based on traits such as literacy. The Congress shall have power by appropriate legislation to enforce the provisions of this article. The original Constitution left the issue of voting primarily to the states. Like the 15th Amendment, this proposal provided Congress with a new role in enforcing voting rights—this time, to prevent gender discrimination at the ballot box.

The right of suffrage in the United States shall be based on citizenship, and the right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of sex, or for any reason not equally applicable to all citizens of the United States. This language was identical to Representative George Julian's proposals in the late 1860s. It severed the link between voting and specific traits like race or gender. Instead, it made voting a right of citizenship. This draft used the 15th Amendment’s “shall not” language and changed “race, color, or previous condition of servitude” to “sex.” It also gave the national government clear authority to attack voter suppression efforts like poll taxes and literacy tests. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. The original Constitution left voting primarily to the states. Like the 15th Amendment and previous women's suffrage proposals, this draft provided Congress with a new role in enforcing voting rights.

The right of white citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex. Williams's proposal took the opening language of the women's suffrage amendment—referencing a U.S. citizen's “right . . . to vote”—but inserted the word “white.” This proposal preserved the goal of ending gender discrimination at the ballot box—but limiting it to white women. It also left open the possibility of regulating voting based on other traits like literacy or the ability to pay a poll tax.

The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex. This language is identical to the final text of the 19th Amendment—borrowing from the 15th Amendment and referencing a U.S. citizen's “right . . to vote.” Vardaman's proposal preserved the women's suffrage amendment's promise to end gender discrimination at the ballot box. But in all other respects the right of citizens to vote shall be controlled by the State wherein they reside. This proposal offered new language that would repeal the 15th Amendment—returning the issue of voting to state control. Vardaman sought to establish “a government by white men, of white men, for all men”—which he saw as “the dream of the founders.”

Whenever any number of legal voters of any State, to a number exceeding 8 per cent of the number of legal voters voting at the last preceding general election held in such State, shall petition for the submission to the legal voters of said State of the question whether women shall have equal rights with men in respect to voting at all elections to be held in such State, such question shall be so submitted, and if, upon such submission, a majority of the legal voters of the State voting on the question shall vote in favor of granting to women such equal rights, the same shall thereupon be deemed established anything in the constitution or laws of such State to the contrary notwithstanding. Rather than forcing each state to adopt women's suffrage, Shafroth's proposal left the decision in the hands of each state's voters—simply requiring each state to place the issue on the ballot if enough of its citizens petitioned the state to do so.

The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex. This opening language parallels the 15th Amendment, which banned racial discrimination in voting. It begins with a powerful reference to a U.S. citizen's “right . . . to vote.” This final text banned sex discrimination in voting. Borrowing from the 15th Amendment, it changed “race, color, or previous condition of servitude” to “sex.” Just as the 15th Amendment sought to end racial discrimination in voting, the women’s suffrage amendment promised to do the same for sex. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. This section empowered Congress to prevent sex discrimination at the ballot box. Since the original Constitution left voting primarily to the states, state governments often used this power to limit voting to white men. Like the 15th Amendment, the 19th Amendment provided Congress with a new role in enforcing voting rights.